Chapter 1
The Legitimacy of Central Banking
Government bailouts. Negative interest rates and markets that do not
behave as economic models tell us they should. New populist and nationalist
movements that target central banks and central bankers as a source of
popular malaise. New regional organizations and geopolitical alignments
laying claim to authority over the global economy. Bitcoin, cell phone bank-
ing, and other new forms of money and payment systems that challenge the
authority of national currencies. Low confidence in conventional currencies
and the state institutions behind them. Households, consumers, and workers
facing increasingly intolerable levels of inequality. New risks associated with
the financial health of pension funds. Public skepticism about the “science”
of monetary policy and suspicion that central bankers serve the interests of
a few at the expense of the rest. Malaise and unease among central bankers
themselves about the limits of their tools and the double binds that define
their work.
These dramatic conditions seem to cry out for new ways of understanding
the purposes, roles, and challenges of central banks and financial governance
more generally. The problem is not just that dominant economic models
have failed to anticipate the current predicament. The problem is also that
existing frameworks are far too narrow to take into account the broader po-
litical, social, and cultural implications of the work of central bankers on
local, national, regional, and global scales. The unfinished agenda of the post-
2008 reforms, arguably, is an intellectual one: how to understand the place of
the state in the market and, in particular, the place of the central bank in rela-
tionship to politics—in all the senses of the term.
The problem is not just intellectual. It is also political. Over the past
eight years, as central banks have grappled with financial crises and eco-
nomic uncertainty, they have assumed new powers and also new responsi-
bilities. This has opened up new legitimacy challenges. In many countries,
central bankers are under attack from populist politicians who have come to
power on the promise of bringing the central bank to heel. On the right and
on the left, new civil society groups are challenging the idea that we should
trust financial regulators because they are experts in governing the econ-
omy. They are challenging the notion—accepted by most for a generation—
that expertise confers legitimacy. Various groups with vastly differing agendas
are asking questions like: Do central banks have the power that they do, as
a matter of law? Should they have that power, as a matter of policy? What are
the proper roles of experts, elected officials, market participants, and the
citizenry at large in stewarding national and global economies?
Central banks serve many important purposes in our national and global
markets. First, they act as a clearinghouse between private banks. When
you cash a check, your bank clears that check with your counterpart’s bank
through the central bank. This means that every bank has an account with
the central bank. How much interest the central bank pays on funds in that
account in turn affects how much interest banks can afford to pay their own
depositors on their own accounts, or what interest rates banks will charge
lenders. Second, central banks buy and sell government debt (and most re-
cently other assets too, from stocks to real estate trusts) in order to stabilize
the amount of money that is available in the market. If central banks buy lots
of government bonds or stocks from banks in exchange for money, for ex-
ample, the banks will have more cash on hand to loan to their customers. In
theory, this should encourage banks to make more loans to more businesses,
leading to more jobs.