CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION: FINANCE FEELS THE HEAT
In contemporary global capitalism, both finance and climate change reach
into every aspect of our lives. These two phenomena are increasingly coupled
together as “climate finance”. Finance is core to calculating and resourcing
decarbonization and climate repair. Climate change is also now central to the
way money flows across governments, businesses and households. Financial
instability and crisis are, moreover, interlinked with multiplying climate
impacts and tipping points. Climate finance has, in short, become integral to
the political economy and economic geography of climate change. As finance
has been positioned as the solution to climate change, different actors have
engaged with climate finance to take competing positions on what the future
of climate change and capitalism might look like. The different tools of cli-
mate finance that have emerged both reflect struggles over climate change
and are actively shaping climate transition pathways. The politics of climate
change is now being fought on the terrain of climate finance.
The Copenhagen 2009 and Paris 2015 Conferences of the Parties (COPs) to
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)
were both monumental meetings for international climate politics and cli-
mate finance. As the global agreement among almost all countries to attempt
to avoid “dangerous” climate change, the UNFCCC makes decisions and
seeks progress through its annual COP meetings. At the Copenhagen COP in
2009, one of the major advances was a commitment by rich countries – which
under the Convention are called Annex I, or developed and industrialized
countries – to fund mitigation and adaptation actions in poor countries –
called non- Annex I, or developing countries. Initially, there was a commitment
to provide US$30 billion per year of climate finance, and then up to US$100
billion per year by 2020. By the Paris COP in 2015, the Green Climate Fund
(GCF), a newly established financial mechanism of the UNFCCC, was chosen
to attract, distribute and programme this “climate finance”. Since then, the
GCF has disbursed funding to more than 200 projects in 130 countries that
seek to reduce emissions or facilitate adaptation, from increasing urban
water supply to building solar photovoltaic (PV) power plants and much in
between. Notwithstanding disagreements, including about governance and
control and the balance between mitigation and adaptation projects, the GCF
was widely celebrated as a step in the right direction towards recognizing the
additional costs of climate change for poor countries.
By the Glasgow COP summit in late 2021, the US$100 billion pledge
was again in the spotlight, this time for its numerous and systemic failures.
Developed countries had fallen short of the annual US$100 billion target
in climate finance: the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD), which tracks climate finance at the request of donor
countries, found that only US$83 billion in climate finance was mobilized
in 2020, building on approximately US$80 billion per year in 2018 and 2019
(OECD 2022a). Further, for critics, this figure is vastly inflated because it
counts funding that is only barely related to climate change, is not additional
to already committed development funding and it includes the value of loans
that must be repaid. As a result, the international non- government organ-
ization (NGO) Oxfam argued that the climate finance mobilized was closer
to US$20 billion per year (Carty, Kowalzig & Zagema 2020). There are also
debates about the quality, character and benefit of the projects the GCF has
supported. This failure in climate finance is a fundamental abrogation of
responsibility from those who have caused climate change to those who will
experience its impacts most acutely.
The GCF and other similar pledges have dominated public debate about cli-
mate finance. In this frame, climate finance references finance that goes from
developed countries to developing countries as a reflection of commitments
to the Convention and the base injustices of climate change. The goal of this
climate finance is to cover the costs of adapting to climate impacts and decar-
bonization in countries that might not otherwise be able to afford it. This cli-
mate finance ought to be “new and additional” to any rich country’s existing
development assistance to avoid double counting or greenwashing existing
aid commitments. It is often assumed that climate finance is public, grant
funding with no strings attached; however, the calculation of US$83 billion
in climate finance mobilized in 2020 includes both loans and private sector
“co- financing” for climate activities. Commonly, funding refers to resources
such as grants or state allocations that are not repaid, whereas co- financing
suggests financial terms around the repayment of debt, usually with interest,
or ownership equity, to capture returns.
But let us put the US$83 billion in perspective. The UNFCCC defines “cli-
mate finance” as all public, private and alternative financing that supports
mitigation and adaptation. Global flows of finance with some kind of climate
goal well exceed the COP targets for international climate finance. As the
Climate Finance: Taking a Position on Climate Futures by Gareth Bryant and Sophie Webber